Stacy Clifford wrote:Sam Nankivell wrote:Basically, we need to differentiate between "rapier" as a weapon and "rapier" as a method of fence.
That is a good way of putting it and I think there is some confusion over the idea sometimes, but as I said, it's hard to settle on a definition NOW when they couldn't even settle on a definition THEN. The thrust-heavy method of fighting we think of as "rapier" though did in fact have a technical name in its own time: foyning fence. Using that term divorces the style from the weapon because you can "foyne" with a knife on a stick (just ask Joseph Swetnam!). A rapier would then be almost by definition a weapon that is specialized for use with the foyning style of fence. That still leaves a lot of room for interpretation, but I think the idea fits the general attitude of the masters who wrote about it.
As for the postulate that "rapier" manuals may have been intended to cover a wider variety of swords than just the ones shown in the drawings, while this sounds pretty reasonable and could be true, is it backed up by anything in any of the texts? As Ran will surely tell you, just because an idea sounds sensible to our ears now doesn't mean we can assume that it's true without some minimal evidence to back it up. It's an intriguing idea, but in this case I think we have to stick with what they did give us and avoid too much speculation on what they didn't. At least some "true" rapiers had the last few inches sharpened enough to cause surface damage, so having a few slashes in the repertoire probably wasn't a totally bad idea, you just couldn't expect them to be fight enders, and I don't know of any that are portrayed that way.
Actually, masters of the period don't seem to define anything as fight enders, which is why they encourage you to return to guard as soon as you have made a wound (whether it was a cut or thrust). You're right though that accounts of duels do show that thrusts were usually (perhaps always) the thing that killed someone.
Also, I am surprised that there are rapiers that are sharpened in the last few inches because many Italian masters advocate using the entire debole (last third of the blade) to make a cut, while incorporating a slicing motion. (The manuals never mention tip cuts.)
Funnily enough though, I think this might be a case of us using a 16th and 17th century English view (Rapier stabby, sword cutty) and applying it to all foyning traditions, as I will describe below.
Some evidence is for this adaptability is already provided in the quote I gave in my original post: "It is much better to be armed with a sword that has two edges than with an estoc [...], which is nothing more than a stick with a point." (Pallavicini, La Scherma Illustra, 1670). There is also a quote from Fabris stating: "it is through the use of the sword alone that all other weapons, offensive and defensive, can be learned" (Fabris, 1606). This next quote, while being from a secondary source (Tom Leoni), I trust is reflective of the manual: "Alfieri also talks of swords that could be broader and shorter if one wanted a weapon that could deliver formidable cuts--without ever hinting at a different typology of sword."
Fabris also mentions that you can alter his stance if necessary: "...you will be better served to bend it [your body]. But if you cannot, you should rather remain straight, because if you force your posture you will never be ready to move."
We also find out that George Silver and Fabris might not be worst enemies after all: "The need to talk about it [the cut] is only proportional to the need to expand on the techniques of the cut and the thrust, since it is necessary to know both." (Fabris, 1606).
One author, Pallavicini (Mr. Italian Silver) actually does show many different types of swords being used in his manual. Some with complete hilts, some with incomplete hilts, some with shorter, wider blades, some with longer, thinner blades etc...
Here is a link to download the manual:
http://www.salvatorfabris.com/pallavicini.pdf (Edit: Second thought, this is only minor evidence since changes in blade length and shape might be due to artistry rather than showing multiple blade styles. Hilts are the main thing that change, with some of them being definite military hilts. However when we consider the quote from this guy, I wouldn't be surprised if he didn't intend multiple blade styles.)
There is also the fact (as I mentioned before) that no authors really clearly define the weapon they are using beyond the fact that it has two edges and a point (and perhaps its ideal length). Some people, such as Pallavicini, say what they personally like in a weapon (though none seem to mention a preference for swords without edges) but only the English authors seem to clearly divide their curriculum into thrusting and cutting swords.
I suspect this might be because the English got the idea of the foyning fence from the Italians and so kept it seperate from the native stance (with the exception of Pallas Armata) for their non-foyning weapons. The Italians on the other hand simply used one stance for both that leaned towards foyning while including cuts if the weapon could manage them. This might also explain why there are no non-foyning manuals (think Marozzo) from Italy at the time (1600-1750ish), while their are still a significant number of military style cut and thrust swords.
What I think is that people used the basic principles from this system (things such as tempo, measure and basic strong guard positions) and altered them as needed. If you had a sword that could cut, do more cutting. If you had a sword that could thrust, do more thrusting. This is why the manuals present both options to us. They choose to focus on thrusting more because they believed it was tactically superior. (The same reason Digrassi and Agrippa focused on thrusting while employing even earlier, wider, more cutting centric weapons).
If you want some more evidence, look to my earlier posts.
Prepositions are not words to end sentences with.